Over recent years, I have reported events relating to the railways of Kenya and Uganda but have singularly failed to do so in relation to the railway network in Tanzania. This has probably been because of an abiding interest in the railways associated with what is now referred to as the Northern Corridor (when referring to the Standard Gauge Railway network).

It is time to rectify this situation. …

First, a look at the history of the various lines in Tanzania.

This article focusses on the history of the Usambara Railway (Usambarabahn) in the north of Tanzania.

Apart from two tramways in Zanzibar, [2] Tanzania’s railway history began when the country was known as German East Africa with German colonial lines being developed not long after the first tramway in Zanzibar was built. [1]

There were also a number of primarily plantation or industrial lines in Tanganyika/Tanzania and one in what is now Burundi. More about these lines can be found here. [7]

During World War 1, the German authorities and then the invading British military made significant use of 600 mm gauge lines to support their supply lines. An article focussing on these lines can be found here. [28]

Late in the 19th century, Germany was eager to expand influence and coffee exports, and it planned a railway from the port of Tanga to Lake Tanganyika. [3]

The featured image at the top of this article is a photograph of Njussi Railway Station on the Usambarabahn. It will be beyond copyright now and therefore in the Public Domain. It was shared on the German Colonial Empire Facebook Page on 2nd March 2026. [18]

The Metre-Gauge Usambara Railway

The Eisenbahngesellschaft für Deutsch-Ostafrika (Railway Company for German East Africa) was established in 1891. “Its main line from Tanga into the hinterland was known as the Usambara Railway. For that, and subsequent, main lines in the German colony, the gauge selected was 1,000 mm (3 ft 3 3⁄8 in) metre-gauge. In addition, light railways were developed for individual Tanganyikan sisal plantations in narrower gauges, usually 600 mm (1 ft 11 5⁄8 in) gauge.” [1]

The name ‘Usambara’ comes from the mountains through which the railway travelled from the coast. The Usambara Mountains in northeastern Tanzania are a scenic, biodiverse range close to Tanga.

M.F. Hill, in his comprehensive history of Tanganyika’s Railways covers the building of the main network in ‘Part II: German Rule and the Building of the Railways: 1891-1914‘ [8: p55-105]

The first plan was for a railway from Dar-es-Salaam to Morogoro, Tabora and Ujiji. A surveyor was commissioned to undertake a preliminary reconnaissance. An Arab revolt put that endeavour on hold. In 1891, a line from Dar-es Salaam to Bagamoyo was surveyed, but nothing came of the planned line. Also in 1891, a meeting of famous African explorers recommended the construction of two lines: considered the most important, was a line from Dar-es-Salaam to Lakes Victoria and Tanganyika; of secondary importance, a line from Tanga to Kilimanjaro. In the end the decision was probably influenced by the fact that the German East Africa Company has acquired vast tracts of land in the Usambaras and started a number of plantations. It seemed that the northern line would be the easiest to build. [8: p61]cf. [11][12]

“The construction of the Usambara Railway, from Tanga to the hinterland, began in 1893. However, the company building that railway went into bankruptcy after two years. At that stage, only 40 km (25 mi) of track had been completed, as far as Korogwe. The treasury of the colony then took over the project in 1899. Four years later, in 1903, it issued an Order for further construction.” [1] cf. [11][12]

Hill comments: “In the August of 1891 preparatory work for the building of the line started at Tanga under the direction of Engineer Hermes. He was soon succeeded by Herr Mittelstaedt, who in turn handed over the job to Herr Wunder. All three men were forced by ill-health to leave East Africa after short spells of duty. The incidence of malaria was very high and the frequent illness of European staff, particularly amongst the surveyors, was a serious drag on the progress of construction. The record of the early years of the railway is a poor tribute to German abilities. Admittedly the difficulties were very great, but they were made all the greater by inefficiency, by bad organisation, by inexperienced staff, by an almost complete absence of medical services until 1899, by inadequate personal and general discipline, by a low standard of technical skill and by a lack of plain common-sense.” [8: p62-63] cf. [11][12]

Hill continues: “On 30th May 1893, Chief Engineer Bernhardt arrived at Tanga and laying of the track started, nearly two years after the arrival of the first group of engineers. A year later the line between the port and the railway station was completed and by the end of 1895 railhead was at Muhesa, 40 kilometres from the coast. The official opening of the Tanga-Muhesa section was held on 1st April 1896, although only half of the line was properly ballasted. … The alignment was indifferent, particularly near Ngomeni, where Bernhardt decided on a double switchback to overcome an apparently difficult gradient. This expedient was a great obstacle to the smooth and economic running of traffic for many years. In fact it was entirely unnecessary, and a classic example of the drawbacks of the location method of survey, particularly when employed by surveyors who lacked the perseverance to undertake a reasonably wide reconnaissance. The cost of the line had greatly exceeded the estimate and von Soden’s prediction that the Railway Company would be bankrupt “in the shortest time” unless it were supported by Imperial finance was soon proved to be correct. By the middle of 1895 the Railway Company’s capital was exhausted and construction of the line stopped for a time at Ngomeni (Km. 28). From there to Muhesa the work was financed by advances from the parent company, the Deutsch Ost Afrikanische Gesellschaft, and the Railway Company’s report for 1895 referred to the line as “our creation universally recognised and fully appreciated in the colony as the first great cultural deed.” Unfortunately the Railway Company could raise no more money. It could not even maintain the line already built and there was no prospect of extending it from Muhesa towards Korogwe. On 26th June 1896, the District Commissioner of Tanga, von St. Paul, wrote a depressing report to the acting Governor, von Bennigsen.” [8: p63-64] cf. [11][12]

The line was in a parlous state of repair, the jetty at Tanga had collapsed and no effort had been made to repair it. Repair costs were estimated at 300,000 marks (£15,000 = over £1.7 million in 2026). The rail used was too light for the loads to be carried (31 lb/yard). It was estimated that the completion of the line to Korogwe would cost 2.2 million marks (£110,000 = £12.5 million in 2026).

Finance was eventually forthcoming (1st April 1899), six days later the line was acquired by the German government. Stuttering attempts were made on completing the railway to Korogwe. Thoughts turned to extending the line beyond Korogwe. The Reichstag agreed to the signing of a construction contract for 2,600,000 marks for the line between Korogwe and Mombo.

So, Muhesa had been reached in 1896, Korogwe saw construction recommence in 1903. Progress was made through challenging terrain including dense forests, steep hills, and rivers, employing African laborers under German oversight. “The construction of the railway now went ahead more rapidly as a consequence of employing a firm of contractors with adequate financial and technical resources. The bridge over the Pangani river at Maurui was completed on 11th August 1904, and the Korogwe-Maurui sector was opened to traffic in December. On 17th February 1905, the extension to Mombo was formally opened by Geheimrat Stuhlmann in the presence of Prince Adalbert of Prussia. Thirty-six kilometres of line had been built in a year, an improvement on the very slow progress of previous years but by no means a remarkable achievement. So far it had taken twelve years to build 129 kilometres, whereas construction of the Uganda Railway started in the December of 1895 and the first locomotive ran through to Kisumu, 572 miles from Mombasa, on 20th December 1901.” [8: p72-73] The contractor was Lenz & Co. an established German railway contractor. [11][12]

It seems that at this time (1905) plans to extend the line to Lake Victoria were set aside. Although in November 1913 two plans were promulgated which would, if built, given access to Lake Victoria. Neither came to fruition.

With the line reaching Mombo in 1905, an agreement between the Imperial German Government and the contractor Lenz & Co. led to the formation of the ‘Deutsche Kolonial Eisenbahn Bau- und Betriebs Gesselschaft’ (The German Colonial Railway Construction and Administration Company – the DKEBBG) with an initial capital of 4,000,000 marks (£200,000 = in 2026, to over £31 million). This company assumed responsibility for the operation of the Tanga line, paying an annual rent of 152,000 marks, 20,000 marks more than the net profit on the line in 1904. cf. [11][12]

Hill tells us that “an inspection of the Usambara Line during 1907 revealed a number of defects and made it very clear that the rolling stock was not being kept in good repair. … Engine No. 1 which had undergone a major repair in 1906 was again in a very bad state. Engine No. 2 was in the workshops for heavy repairs. The axles of Engine No. 3 were worn out. Engine No. 4 was in fair state, having just come out of the workshops. Engine No. 5 was in urgent need of repairs. Engine No. 6, the ‘Deutschland,’ in spite of recent repairs, again needed attention. Engine No. 7, the ‘Preussen,’ could not be used on the line, but supplied steam for the machines in the workshop. Out of seven engines only two were railworthy, and their excessive use was doing them no good. When the writer of this report travelled from Tanga to Mombo behind Engine No. 1, it had to be repaired at every station and twice had to stop for running repairs between stations.” [8: p73]

That report also stated that “many rails were badly aligned and that Africans were not sufficiently skilled or responsible for this work without European supervision. European trackmen would not give satisfactory service so long as they were allowed to own plantations along the line or to work for plantation owners as well as for the railway. There was no European lavatory at Mombo station and the engine shed at Mombo had been burnt down. In view of ‘the enormous amount of traffic being dealt with at this railhead’, a European station-master should be appointed at Mombo. ‘The Goan at present in charge,’ the report stated, ‘is unsatisfactory because Europeans do not respect his authority. It is said that at Mombo station, when a train arrived, bedlam prevails and only the strongest get any attention.” [8: p73-74]

Construction of an extension, 45 km in length, to Buiko started in July 1907 and was completed in two years at a cost of 4,200,000 marks. By 1910, the annual rent was increased to 246,000 marks. cf. [11][12]

In 1908, it was recommended that the line should be extended to Moshi and that improvements should be made to the harbour at Tanga. A formal contract between the German authorities and the DKEBBG was drawn up. A sum of 12,250,000 marks was made available for the extension, and 1,500,000 marks for the harbour improvements. It was also agreed that the annual rent for the line should be increased to 760,000 marks once the line reached Moshi. [8: p74] cf. [11][12]

Despite construction difficulties, the railhead reached Same by 1st October 1910, and Moshi on 29th September 1911. The 178 km from Buiko to Moshi was built in rather more than 2 years. Hill comments: “The annual rate of construction, 84 kilometres, was by far the highest rate achieved during the slow creep of the line from Tanga. Since Lenz & Co. had been responsible, the standard both of alignment and construction was greatly superior to the section between Tanga and Korogwe. The extension to Moshi was formally opened on 7th February 1912, with an impressive display of pomp and ceremony and a remarkable consumption of wine. About the same time the name of the line was changed from Usambara Bahn to Ost Afrikanische Nordbahn.” [8: p74] cf. [11][12]

The line featured engineering feats such as double hairpin curves between Ngommi and Pongwe, a 23.3-kilometre branch from Tengeni to Sigi with four switchbacks (in 2ft 6in-gauge), while a cable spur linked it to sawmills in 1910, underscoring its role in supporting timber and agricultural exports like coffee, sisal, and rubber from plantations in the Kilimanjaro and Meru regions. [1]

It was not until May 1914 that funds were approved for an extension to Arusha. The Reichstag voted 9,400,000 marks for expenditure during 1914 and 1915 on the extension to Arusha and for further improvements to the harbour at Tanga. Hill says that “the contracts had been signed when the outbreak of war between Germany and Great Britain put an end to the extension of the Nordbahn by the Germans. A contract was also signed for a line from Ngomeni to Bwiti, at the north-east end of the Usambaras, and thence back to the main line at Korogwe. Construction of this line had just started when war broke out.” [8: p75]

“Around 1914, one train traveled daily to and from Tanga and Buiko, with a second train running to Moshi and back on two days a week. It took 14 hours and 40 minutes to travel the full distance.” [4]

“For a brief period between 4th June 1912 and 12th May 1913, the Usambara Railway was called Nordbahn (Northern Railway). The expansion to Arusha had already been planned and funded, but due to the outbreak of WW I, it was never completed.” [4]

Wettich writing in German in 1910/1911 says: “This, in brief, is the story of the Northern Railway, whose construction delays severely hampered the development of the north. Although no significant difficulties or major engineering structures were required, apart from the jetty in Tanga. The Tanga-Buiko section, a full 174 km long, took 17.5 years to complete, while the British completed their rival project, the much more challenging Uganda Railway, a 940 km long line, from August 1896 to December 1901, that is completed in 5.5 years!” [9: p4]

He goes on to talk of the “connection between the development of Usambara and the advancing railway construction is of particular interest, because in close connection with the railway plans, which were taking on a firmer form, new plantations and new settlements arose. The publications of the Reich Colonial Office are of little help with establishing the position at the time Wettich was preparing his paper. The situation at the time that paper was written is shown in the hand-drawn map entitled “A Map of the Usambara Railway and the plantation areas in Usambaraland as far West as Kürchhoff. [9: p3]” which can be found towards the top of this article. The present situation is essentially shown on the map Fig. 2, whereby reference should be made in particular Wettich draws attention to the plantations of Ambangulu and Korogwe and the Schummewald timber concession of the Wilkens & Wiese company, and that of the timber company for German East Africa which he goes into some detail about later in his paper.” [9: p4]

Between 1912 and 1914 some of the worst effects of poor workmanship on the “Tanga-Korogwe section were remedied, the money being provided from savings on the Buiko-Moshi section. The switchback at Ngomeni was eliminated by means of a comparatively simple realignment. Since 1893 plantations had replaced forest and thick bush and the lie of the land was easy to see. The correct alignment and the folly of the switchback were obvious.” [8: p75]

Hill notes that, “since 1911 the railway administration had been responsible for the 750 mm. Sigi line, (details of which can be found here) [7] and negotiations for its purchase from the Sigi Export Company were in-train when war broke out.” [8: p75]

Other ways of bringing traffic to the railway were developed. A ropeway, 9 kilometres long, ran from Mkumbara to Neu Hornow and climbed the precipitous cliffs and spanned the gorges of the western Usambaras. This ropeway was owned by the firm of Wilkins and Wiese, and designed to carry cedar from the Shume plateau to the railway, an enterprise that was never an economic success. The longest span of the ropeway, 907 metres, was said to be the longest in the world when it was built in the years 1910-1911. This ropeway is covered in another article which can be found here. [9][13]

A road suitable for animal-drawn transport ran from Korogwe to the sanatorium built at Vugiri in the central Usambaras. From Mombo, the first road in German East Africa designed to carry motor traffic ran to Wilhelmstal (Lushoto) and served the plantations established in the central and western Usambaras. This metalled road, built at the remarkably low cost of £700 a kilometre, was an outstanding example of the skill of the German surveyors and engineers and in striking contrast with much indifferent work on the Tanga railway. In 1914 a scheme was under discussion for the Railways Administration to take over motor transport between Mombo and Wilhelmstal. Another road was built to serve eastern Pare, and in the mid-20th century it was still part of the main road from Tanga to Moshi. [8: p75-76]

The route of the railway from Buiko to Same seems strange to Hill. He says: “There is no existing record of the reasons which persuaded the designers of the railway from Buiko to Same to take it along the western rather than the eastern skirt of the Pare mountains. One of the arguments for the extension of the railway beyond Buiko from the eastern side and the climate there is much pleasanter than in the dry country to the west. Maybe the German authorities deemed it advisable to keep the Pare mountains as a barrier between the railway and the frontier of British East Africa. There seems to be no other logical explanation.” [8: p76]

“In 1913, the railway employed 562 workers (including 35 Europeans) and operated with 18 locomotives, 31 passenger carriages, and 199 goods [wagons], underscoring its scale as German East Africa’s primary northern artery before wartime disruptions.” [6]

The paper written by Hans Wettich in 1910/11 includes a wealth of information about German East Africa and the Usambarabahn in particular. Before going on to focus on what happened to the line in the First World War and its aftermath it is worth some time spent on looking at what Wettich had to say in his paper.

Developments in the German Protectorate in the areas around the Usambara Railway

Wettich provides us with an interesting digression in the story of the Usambara Railway, examining the performance of a variety of crops introduced into plantations around the line of the railway. Plantation managers first turned to tobacco but discovered quickly that the African soil was light on the necessary nutrients to support more than minor local production. Plantation managers then turned to Coffee which also failed. [9: p4] Wettich goes on to describe a whole series of different cultivation options. The translated text of this part of Wettich’s paper is included at Appendix A to this article. He also provides a couple of paragraphs about industry in the vicinity of the line which are included here in translation in Appendix B.

The Lack of Transport Routes: the Necessity of Private Branch Lines

Wettich considered that the development of the Usambara region was held back by poor transport links: “The greatest difficulty for the development of Usambara is the lack of traffic routes, since apart from the Usambara Railway there are hardly any roads and the timber has to be brought to the Usambara Railway on private branch tracks. However, the rugged mountain slope of West Usambara almost excludes access roads. On the plateau it is possible, though with difficulty, to work on prepared paths with cumbersome Cape wagons or the newer single-axle log wagons, which require 10 to 20 men for harnessing, but here the light railway, the so-called forest railway, will soon be used to an extensive extent to harvest timber, all the more so as the highlands are often flat. Some have proposed that timber should be transported down from the high plateau by means of wooden or stone flumes or by the use of the forest streams allied with dams and rafting according to Alpine and Scandinavian practice. These proposals are not feasible in the vast majority of cases. The route down is too long for flumes (7 to 9 km), and because the massif rises directly from the plain in rugged, steep walls with almost vertical drops up to 1500 m in height!” [9: p13]

The Sigi Railway (Sigibahn)

Writing about the Sigibahn, Wettich says: “The conditions are somewhat more favourable in East Usambara with its gentler mountain slopes, where the Sigi Export Corporation, which is controlled by the German Timber Company for East Africa, succeeded in finding a reasonably favourable route on which it was able to lay a small railway to its concession in East Usambara, The railway is of great interest alongside the Mkumhara-Neu-Hornow branch line.” [9: p13] (see a separate article here [13]), This was because “it shows how a narrow-gauge mountain railway overcomes the great difficulties of the terrain. It has a length of 23.7 km and connects meets the Usambara Railway at Tengeni station. The Company built the line over a length of 17.6 km before the use of switchbacks became necessary.” [9: p13-14] A further switchback was required close to the top of the line. The Sigibahn is covered in more detail in a separate article here. [7] It is perhaps just worth noting here that the cost of the construction work was higher than estimated partly because the actual path of the railway was over 2 kilometres longer than originally surveyed. [9: p15-16]

Wettich mentioned two other branch lines: [9: p16]

• a 20 km line serving the sawmill in Ambangulu – this appears to be the cable way referred to above between Neu-Hornow and Mkumbara. [13]
• a planned branch line from Njussi Railway Station – I have not been able to find evidence that this line was built.

The Significance of the Sigibahn

Writing in 1910/11 Wettich said: “Of these railways, the Sigi Railway in particular will be of great importance, because it not only serves to transport timber, but also handles other freight traffic and passenger traffic between the Usambara Railway and East Usambara. In its lower part it cuts through the fertile Bondeiland, in which local cultures of all kinds thrive excellently. Furthermore, it allows the plantations in East Usambara to transport their products, which until now had to be brought to the Usambara Railway on the heads of the natives. In addition, the Sigibahn makes it much easier to visit the extensive cultural facilities of the Imperial Biological-Agricultural Institute in Amani, which can be reached from Sigi station in just under an hour.” [9: p16]

He also noted: “The timetable of the railway is adapted to that of the Usambara Railway and is regulated in such a way that every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday scheduled trains run from Sigi to Tengeni and back. In each direction, the journey time is 2 hours 20 minutes. The railway transports letter and parcel post.” [9: p16]

Both Hill and Wettich provide some statistical information about the value and performance of the Usambarabahn. First, information provided by Wettich. …..

The Operating Results of the Usambara Railway before the First World War.

Results up to 1910

Wettich obtained figures from the German Colonial Railway Construction and Operating Company specifically for the period during which the railway was leased to this company, i.e., for the years 1905 to 1910. The figures are more detailed than those contained in the official memorandum but only cover the period prior to the writing of his paper in 1910/11. The statistics are illustrated in the graphs provided in his paper, below. …

Wettich commented in 1910/11: “As can be seen, passenger traffic has almost doubled since the opening year, but shows only a slight increase for the last three years. The lines for revenue from passenger traffic and for passenger-kilometres travelled correspond to the representation of passenger transport. It is interesting to note that the Usambara Railway charges fees for passenger luggage in the first class, insofar as it exceeds 30 kg. This helps to curb smuggling of rubber bales by first class passengers!” [9: p38]

By 1909/10, freight traffic had increased fourfold compared to the first year of operation. It should be noted that, despite the loss of construction material freight for the new Mombo-Buiko railway line following its opening in the reporting year 1908/09, tonnage traffic only declined slightly. Unfortunately, the various goods are not itemized in the statistics, so the development of individual plantation sectors is difficult to ascertain from the available information. [9: p38]

The statistics only listed livestock traffic separately, which, due to local disturbances such as epidemics, feed shortages, drought, etc., showed fluctuating figures, although a steady increase can be observed in the latest two years for which figures were available. The majority of livestock traffic consisted of small livestock, including numerous Maasai sheep in the north of the colony bred for their wool.

Later Statistical Information

Hill has the benefit of being able to look back from the mid-1950s and after the events of two world wars. He was also able to draw on reports written in the years after Wettich’s paper was written.

In June 1914, Hill tells us, Herr E. Kuhlwein, the Traffic Manager of the Usambarabahn wrote a report to the Imperial Government at Dar es Salaam. He said:

“Disregarding the initial years, traffic and income have shown a steady increase from year to year. In the early years traffic conditions were primitive and our capital extremely limited. Today, however, we have a well-regulated enterprise serving the traffic requirements of the country adequately. It is only natural that settlements and plantations in the north of our colony are developing at the same rate as the railway. Shortly beyond Tanga European-owned plantations are found and one follows [another] all the way to Mkumbara (Km. 148). Adjoining this area lies bush country, which offers a great deal of interest to the traveller – wild life, the Usambara mountains and the Pare range. Long before his arrival at Moshi the traveller espies the snow-covered peaks of Kilimanjaro (Kibo m. 6,010 and Mawenzi m. 5,355) in their majestic greatness.” [8: p76]

Herr Kuhlwein continued: “Today the railway boasts, apart from essential installations and official buildings, pleasant houses for its staff, well constructed and suitably equipped for life in the tropics; its own water supply, and a convalescent home situated in beautiful Wilhelmstal. … The rolling stock consists of 18 engines; 25 passenger coaches (the latest type of first-class coach provides all modern comforts) and 205 goods trucks, including mail and luggage vans with a carrying capacity of from 7 to 12 tons. … One passenger and one goods train run on the Tanga-Buiko sector daily in each direction, while a train twice weekly in each direction is still sufficient for the traffic of the Buiko-Moshi sector.” [8: p77]

“Traffic staff at present consists of: 36 European officials; 17 Goan officials and artisans; 25 Indian officials and artisans; 46 Native officials and artisans; 400 Native workmen. Construction staff, inclusive of staff employed by the Construction Company itself, consists of: 50 Europeans and 4,000 Native labourers.” [8: p77]

Herr Kuhlwein then quoted the following statistics for the year 1913: [8: p77]

Gross Revenue:  1,182,321 Marks

Approximate expenditure:  700,000 Marks

Passengers:  1st Class: 8,045;  2nd Class: 5,200;  3rd Class: 267,197.

The gross revenue came from: Passenger Traffic, 392,761 marks; Up goods traffic, 458,320 marks; Down goods traffic, 225,958 marks; Livestock, 25,162 marks; and Sundries, 80,000 marks.

The most important items in the goods traffic heading inland were: Piece Goods:  8,656 tons; Indian Rice:  2,400 tons; Sleepers and Rails:  2,000 tons; Firewood:  1,000 tons; Cement:  800 tons; Petrol:  700 tons; Machinery & Parts:  350 tons; Sisal Plants:  260 tons; Honey & Syrup:  230 tons; Imported Timber:  200 tons; Corrugated Iron:  175 tons; Tar:  175 tons; Flour:  100 tons; Sundries:  2,350 tons.

The most important items in the goods traffic heading for the coast were: Sisal: 8,000 tons; Piece Goods: 4,000 tons; Local timber: 1,500 tons; Coffee: 1,000 tons; Rubber: 400 tons; Fruit: 330 tons; Stone: 330 tons; Beans: 270 tons; Hides; 130 tons; Sisal Plants: 120 tons.

Hill points out that traffic heading to the coast involved a large redistribution trade in piece goods and that sisal plants appear to have been moved up and down the line. [8: p78]

Tanga

Hill assessed work undertaken at Tanga Harbour before 1914 and he is not kind in his assessment of work undertaken there: “The new installations at Tanga harbour, for which 1,500,000 marks were voted in 1909, were completed on 15th April 1914, but a design for a new quay wall was an ignominious failure. It was, indeed, a strange and complex design. In 1913 the shore at Tanga was littered with thousands of tons of reinforced concrete piles cast at Mannheim on the Rhine. They had been carried by river barges to Rotterdam and thence shipped to Tanga. The available records provide no answer to the question why these concrete works were not cast at Tanga. Soon after completion, part of the quay wall collapsed, another example of bad design, bad work and a lack of common-sense.” [8: p75]

Wettich noted that Tanga’s importance as a port for the Usambara area grew significantly from 1906. By 1910/11, the turnover at the port had “almost tripled since 1906. Even in 1900, when the Northern Railway was only about 100 km long, a critical report mention[ed] an increase in plantation activity in the northern districts, which led to an increase in the number of workers and a rise in wages. This, however, opened up the possibility of profitable trade extending far into the interior.” [9: p39]

Incidentally he explained that “it should not be forgotten that a strong impetus to establish Tanga as an independent city also stemmed from the plague quarantine of 1906, which closed the coast to trade with Zanzibar and permitted only Tanga to operate as a port for Zanzibar dhows. This virtually eliminated Zanzibar’s transshipment traffic, which had driven up the price of all goods.” [9: p39]

At Tanga, a change in circumstances occurred with steamer connections and shipping infrastructure being improved by Germany, allowing even large ships to call at the port. Wettich reported that “the largest cargo [up to the date of his paper] was taken on by the steamer ‘König‘ of the German East Africa Line in Tanga on 12th July 1910, consisting of 3,000 bales of sisal hemp, 147 sacks of coffee, 266 bales of rubber, and 90 different items of merchandise totalling about 3000 cubic metres.” [9: p39]

In 1910/11, Wettich reported that “The trade statistics in the official memorandum for 1908/09 show that Tanga is … the most important port in the protectorate. While Dar es Salaam recorded total trade valued at 11,818,000 marks in 1908/09, Tanga’s trade value was 10,180,000 marks. However, if one disregards the imports of both cities, which reached an unusually high level in this reporting year due to the import of railway construction materials via Dar es Salaam, while exports reached unusually high levels, Tanga’s exports, valued at 3.5 million Marks, surpassed those of Dar es Salaam, which had a value of 1,150,000 Marks. Compared to the previous year, Tanga’s exports increased by 880,000 Marks, while Dar es Salaam’s decreased by 500,000 Marks. The highest value products exported via Tanga in 1908 were sisal hemp (1.75 million marks), coffee (approximately 800,000 Marks), and synthetic rubber and gutta-percha (420,000 Marks).” [9: p39]

Hill noted in the mid-1950s that “from 1891 to 1914, the capital investment in harbour works at Tanga and on the Nordbahn from Tanga to Moshi was approximately 25,000,000 Marks (£1,125,000), most of which was converted to a 4% loan.” [8: p78]

The Viability of the Usambarabahn before the First World War

Hill then considers the viability of the Usambarabahn in the period prior to the first world war: “Interest charges [on the 4% loan] were about one million Marks a year. During 1913, the gross revenue was 1,182,321 Marks, but running costs were 883,000 Marks, a considerable increase over Herr Kuhlwein’s estimate of 700,000 Marks. On this basis, the excess of revenue over running costs was nearly 300,000 Marks, a great deal less than the rent of 760,000 Marks payable by the Deutsche Kolonial Eisenbahn Bau- und Betriebs Gesellschaft. In turn, the rent was considerably less than the annual charge for interest. Moreover, the running costs made no provision for amortisation and depreciation and there was no Betterment Fund. There was very little justification for the optimism expressed in the Railway Administration Company’s last published report. Of itself, the Nordbahn was never an economic proposition and the capital invested in it could only be justified by the economic development of the countryside which it made possible.” [8: p78]

“In the March of 1913 the manager of the Nordbahn was asked to provide an estimate of the future revenue of the line. He pointed out that it depended on the development of the European plantations which provided by far the greater part of the revenue. Increased European settlement was essential if the railway’s finances were ever to be placed on a sound basis. The natives only grew enough for their own needs and there was no prospect of a surplus of native-grown crops for export. The manager suggested that the Governor should remove all native cultivations from alongside the line and that the native lands should not come nearer than 5 kilometres to the railway. ‘Were this land to be cultivated by Europeans,’ he wrote, ‘it would also give passengers a better impression than they gain at present‘.” [8: p78]

Hill commented further that “there [was] doubt that the Nordbahn was an effective stimulant of the development of plantations. The first choice of crops was unfortunate. The Germans never made a success of coffee, and although ceara rubber grew quite well the trees produced a latex which was very low in dry rubber content and could not compete with the hevea plantations of the Far East. During the years of German rule large plantations of ceara rubber were established throughout the length of the coastal belt. Most of these rubber plantations were eventually abandoned and in several instances they were replanted with sisal. For a brief period during the Second World War, when the hevea plantations of the Far East were in enemy hands, it was possible to operate the Tanganyika rubber estates on an economic basis. There [were] still some small plantings of hevea in the Tanga province, but only a very small area of the country [was] climatically suited to rubber.” [8: p78-79]

Hill continues: “After the boom year of 1910 and the subsequent collapse of prices, sisal replaced rubber as the main economic crop along the Nordbahn. Sisal plantations were also established along the Central Railway – the Mittelland Bahn – in the Lindi district and elsewhere along the coast. Tanga has always been the main centre of sisal production. By 1911 there were fifty-four sisal estates in German East Africa, in all 47,625 acres of sisal, of which 19,140 were in bearing. In that year 10,989 tons of fibre, valued at £226,612, were exported. By 1913 the acreage of sisal was 61,878, of which 35,898 acres were in bearing. In 1912, exports of sisal amounted to 16,738 tons valued at £367,961 and in 1913 to 20,835 tons valued at £535.579.” [8: p79]

The Necessity of Rapid Continuation of Construction of the Northern Railway Line

In 1910/11, Wettich was expecting that the Usambarabahn would be extended beyond Moshi towards Lake Victoria. He wrote: “The importance of Tanga and the development of its hinterland will be significantly boosted once the northern railway reaches Lake Victoria at the burgeoning port city of Muansa, as planned. The area to be opened up by this railway is already one of the richest and most densely populated in the colony. The railway would initially cut through the Moshi district, which is already served by the Kilimanjaro road. On Kilimanjaro, coffee of excellent quality and high yield is cultivated on large plantations, and according to the official memorandum, its production value is constantly increasing. Rubber and maize are also grown here. On Mount Meru, livestock farming flourishes, particularly under the management of 37 Boer settlers, who have taken up sheep farming and are now also raising ostriches.” [9: p39-40]

Wettich continued: “The Muansa district is today primarily a major production area, especially for peanuts and small varieties of coffee. The rice production of the districts around Lake Victoria is particularly noteworthy. The official annual report for 1909/10 states: ‘With the expansion of rice cultivation in the regions bordering Lake Victoria, the prospects for an increase in exports are justified; however, it is questionable whether the Uganda Railway can carry enough freight to successfully compete with Indian rice on the coast’. These regions therefore desperately need a new transport route with cheaper freight. This is the Usambara Railway, extended to Lake Victoria, which is significantly shorter than the Uganda Railway and will be able to transport freight from Lake Victoria to the coast much more cheaply. Furthermore, this railway would increase production of cotton, beans, and wild silk. It should also be noted that gold has been discovered in the river sand on the southern shore of Lake Victoria.” [9: p40]

He continued: “If the development of these promising areas is to be pursued, then at the same time emphasis must be placed on reinforcing the superstructure of the initial section of the Usambara Railway, because it currently consists of field railway ballast, 9 m long rails weighing 15.5 kg per linear meter, allowing only 3.3 tons of wheel load. … Competition from the English Uganda Railway absolutely compels the construction of the Northern Railway as quickly as possible. Moreover, it is an undeniable fact that with the commissioning of the Uganda Railway, the English would immediately seize all traffic from the northwest of the German protectorate. As early as 1906, an official report stated that not only the north and northwest, but also the southwest of the German colony were exporting produce via the Uganda Railway, and that this had, in a very short time, brought about an unprecedented development of trade throughout the entire northwest, down to Tabora, The Uganda Railway has seen trade develop where little was envisaged and has also attracted goods previously transported to the coast via Bag-mojo. As recently as1902, Muansa, Bukoba, and Shirati were small inland trading centres whose statistics were not worth recording. In 1906, their turnover is greater than that of Ranga after 20 years of German rule. Trade at Muansa was the largest in the entire protectorate. Although Tanga has now far surpassed Muansa, according to official trade statistics, the flow of trade from the Uganda Railway to the north of the protectorate is still quite significant, as total trade across the inland border amounted to over 4 million Marks in the year 1908/09 for the districts of Moschi, Schirati, Muansa and Bukoba, of which Muansa alone accounted for over 3 million Marks.” [9: p40]

Wettich continued: “The Uganda Railway’s area of ​​influence has expanded even further. It primarily carries mail for eastern Congo and will, once the Cape-Cairo Railway is completed (which already reaches as far as Elizabethville in Katanga, north of Broken Hill in Rhodesia), further expand its reach.” [9: p40-41]

It seems that the German authorities were anticipating the completion of Cecil Rhodes Cape to Cairo railway and a link from it to the Uganda Railway. Had the Cape to Cairo Railway become a reality, the British would have had access to the Katanga Mines, unless the Usambara Railway was to be extended to Lake Victoria in the meantime! Or the German East Africa’s Central Railway has reached Lake Tanganyika. Wettich quoted British reports that not only was the Central Railway about to embark on an extension to Tabora, but that preliminary work on the Tabora-Tanganyika section of the Central Railway has already begun with Holtzmann as the construction company in conjunction with the Regierung project. [9: p41] Regierung projects were large scale German state-contracted (“Regierung” or government-related) infrastructure projects such as the construction of the Reichstag building in Berlin. [10]

Wettich continues: “Possible terminus points for [the Central Railway] are Udjidji, Kigoma, or Kirando. Private proposals favour the Mpapua or Kilimatinde-southern tip of Lake Tanganyika route, but these have less prospects than the Rabora-Kirando line. [The Central Railway] would offer significant advantages over the Cape-Cairo and Uganda railways, particularly with regard to ore transport to the mines in the Katanga region. However, the possible more southerly line would be even more advantageous, especially since it also intersects the coalfields of East Africa and would thus enable the processing of Katanga tin and copper ores between Nyasa and Tanganyika.” [9: p41]

The Current Counteracting Effect (in 1910/11) of the Usambara Railway Against the Influence of the Uganda Railway

Wettich saw a future in which the Usambarabahn would challenge to Uganda Railway in significance. The Uganda Railway had demonstrated the extent to which a railway projected according to commercial principles could boost trade, agriculture, and industry over a wide area, including in Uganda itself, the Uganda Railway resulted in lively development in all areas. [9: p41]

Wettich argued that the completion of the Usambarabahn (Nordbahn) to Lake Victoria would undoubtedly bring similar successes.  He demonstrated in his paper the influence of the existing Usambara Railway on the development of the land. He noted that some time after the extension of the Usambara Railway from Mombo to Buiko and after the start of construction work on the new Buiko-Same line, export traffic on the Usambara Railway had increased by approximately 75%. He notes too, in 1910/11, that a shift in traffic across the border from the Uganda Railway in favour of the Usambara Railway had already begun. [9: p41]

He pointed also to the beneficial effects of railway construction on the terrain alongside the railway through private branch lines, and how engineering could overcome even difficult terrain conditions with railway lines featuring switchbacks and even the 1500 m high slopes of the Usambara massif by means of a cableway. [9: p41]

Wettich concluded his paper by saying: “It is undeniable that the activities of the German Colonial Railway Construction and Operating Company in the north of [German East Africa] are already of the greatest benefit, and that with regard to the Usambara Mountains, the German Timber Company for East Africa has created an excellent transport route with the Sigibahn railway, and furthermore, the firm Adolf Bleichert & Co. in Leipzig, with the Neu-Hornow-Mkumbara cableway, is undoubtedly an engineering work of the first rank, while the company Wilkens & Wiese, with the same project, has created a cultural work of the highest importance. On the one hand, the cableway and the rich timber resources of the Usambara Massif allowed the highlands to be used profitably, but on the other hand farms undertaking agriculture and animal husbandry, supplied the needs of the plantation-growing plain.” [9: p41-42]

As we have already seen, Wettich’s relatively positive assessment of the Usambarabahn was contradicted by Hill who saw, with the benefit of hindsight, a future of increased indebtedness ahead of the railway company as the first world war loomed.

In ‘Permanent Way Volume II‘ Hill went on to describe some of the factors which contributed to the relatively poor performance of the Usambarabahn: “Apart from the more serious mistakes and setbacks, the construction and operation of the Nordbahn produced the comedy of errors that is part and parcel of any pioneer enterprise in Africa.” [8: p79]

He pointed to: intermittent friction between the German administration and the railway authorities with trivial incidents becoming major issues; times when German thoroughness lost a sense of proportion; loss of tax revenue on ivory; petty disputes over the rights of Lenz & Co. to import materials for railway construction without facing customs duty; an inordinate number of minor matters being referred to the Colonial Office in Berlin; minor battles over the duties and capability of Goan engine-drivers and a further possibility of training African staff as engine drivers; poor relations with the Usambara Post; and excessive parsimony which included a failure to ensure that clocks were synchronised and a reluctance to provide effectively lighting for the nighttime use of passenger stock and platforms at stations. [8: p79-83]

The First World War and its Aftermath

The Usambarabahn was a critical asset in German East Africa during World War I. It served as a vital logistical link for German Schutztruppe forces before being captured by British forces in 1916.

Initially British forces sought to take Tanga from the sea. An expeditionary force (Indian Expeditionary Force B) made up, primarily, of Punjabl soldiers under the leadership of General Michael Tighe left Bombay and travelled to Mombasa. The journey took over two weeks. The Punjabi troops had not been to sea before and suffered miserably from sea-sickness. “To a man, they were dispirited, discouraged and wretched.” [19]

It was decided that “the British East Africa force under Brigadier Stewart was to attack at Longido, a post on a mountain north-west of Kilimanjaro, to coincide with the attack on Tanga. The little information that was available about the German troops indicated that the main German Force was at Moshi at the northern end of the Moshi to Tanga railway line. Tanga was thought to be unoccupied by troops. The fact that German troops could be quickly rushed down the railway if Tanga was attacked was largely ignored.” [19]

C. J. Thornhill describes the battle: “On arriving at the German port of Tanga the troopships and HMS Fox anchored outside the harbour and a message was sent to the enemy to the effect that the British meant to bombard the town; but a generous period was given to get the women and children out of danger. This prolonged period of grace proved the undoing of the British and resulted in the cruel butchery in cold blood of many of our men. The German Commander, Von Lettow, took full advantage of every hour. He had only a few men at the time to defend Tanga, but at once set his railway running day and night at high pressure, sending almost every man in the country who could fire a gun to Tanga. … Fortifications and earthworks were thrown up around Tanga and the country mapped out until the defence of the place, where our forces were about to attack, was fully prepared. When the time was up, our men landed in open boats and barges. The Naval Officers and Blue Jackets with their great guns were itching to bombard the place where our men were to land, thus rendering it safe; but not a shot was fired. The troops were massed on the foreshore. They started to advance towards the town and the waiting and entrenched Germans opened fire with machine guns on our men, who calmly returned fire in spite of being mown down like ripe corn. The Germans held their positions, our men were exposed and at a disadvantage; and with heavy losses slowly retired to their boats.” [20] [19: p 13] No supporting fire from HMS Fox was possible as the depth of penetration of British forces was not know. Additionally, “a regiment of Indian troops fled from the battlefield. They had never before faced machine gun fire and were further panicked by swarms of bees from their nests in the trees, who, frightened by the gun fire, indiscriminately attacked the troops both Indian and German. Some men received more than a hundred stings and at a decisive moment even the machine guns of one of von Lettow’s companies were put out of action. The bulk of our forces embarked in the boats and got safely away, but there were not enough vessels to take everybody, as some of the boats were still away bringing in equipment. The poor fellows who had to remain behind desperately kept back the enemy while embarkation slowly took place, but they became weaker and weaker and at last were forced right back to the water and seeing there was no cover, had to surrender. But the blood-thirsty enemy Askaris, finding them helpless, rushed down and butchered them.” [20][19: p13]

After their victory at Tanga, von Lettow’s tactics were to change. “Tanga was one of the very few ‘conventional’ confrontations between the Allies and the Germans. Most of the four year campaign was a prolonged chase of the German troops through some of the most inhospitable country in Africa. The German policy was usually to avoid confrontation and tie up as many allied troops and resources as possible.” [19: p13]

The confrontation at Longido, ultimately, went little better for British forces: “The Germans initially thought that the Allies planned to invade German East Africa from Longido in the north. Many of the German troops were at Longido rather than Tanga. Due to a breakdown in communications these troops had not received the orders to proceed to Tanga, and were strongly positioned on a ridge halfway up a mountain. The British column approached the German lines by night but found itself in a thick mist 1,500 feet above the plain. When the mist lifted a strong German force attacked and was only beaten off after a fierce counter attack by the Punjabis. Unfortunately, however, the firing had stampeded the mule train, which careered back down the slopes leaving the Punjabis without water. Isolated, without prospect of support and with no water under the hot sun the Punjabis decided to withdraw under cover of darkness.” [19: p14]

Initially, after the Battle of Tanga, von Lettow “assembled his men and their scant supplies to attack the Uganda railway in British East Africa (Kenya). Apparently these attacks and the much later ones on Northern Rhodesia were the only times in the First World War that British administered territory was occupied by German troops.” [19: p14] “The story of the failure at Tanga was cabled by General Aitken to London on 5 November 1914. It was a bitter shock to the British Government who until then had displayed little interest in the East African campaign.” [19: p16]

The failure of British amphibious assault at Tanga in November 1914 brought about a change in British tactics. They built a new railway line from Voi (on the Uganda Railway) to Maktau (and later extended it to Kahe) to disrupt the Usambara line’s supply chain and ultimately to support their own offensive.

From December 1914 to February 1916, the British campaign in East Africa was “almost entirely on the defensive against an enemy who was unable to launch a large scale offensive. For 15 months von Lettow … was able to perfect his little army which eventually consisted of some 14,000 soldiers, most of them well trained and well disciplined. Von Lettow was fluent in the Swahili language which earned him the respect and admiration of the Askaris. He appointed black officers and said, and believed, “we are all Africans here”. In one historian’s opinion no other white commander of the era had so keen an appreciation of the black African’s worth not only as a fighting man but as a man. During this 15 month lull in military activity von Lettow had to consider ways and means of maintaining his blockaded economy. Von Lettow was not only an excellent administrator and a talented commander; he was also a brilliant improviser which meant that he was able to rally the people of German East Africa to supply him with all the much needed medicines including quinine which was produced from wood bark by a Biological Institute at Usambara.” [19: p17]

The British offensive in East Africa took place in February and March 1916.

In November 1915, the British War Cabinet approved the plan of sending South Africans to East Africa to bolster forces there. By early 1916 the situation in East Africa was worsening for the Germans. The Schutztruppe was now reaching its peak strength, 2,712 Europeans, 11,637 Askaris and 2,591 auxiliaries. The bulk of these were placed in the Kilimanjaro area. The South African Lieutenant-General Jan C. Smuts was appointed to take command in British East Africa. The staff found that they might be replaced by Smuts’s henchmen, all “amateur” soldiers. Smuts’ appointment considerably helped recruitment in South Africa. For the Allies, January 1916 marked the arrival of the first South African reinforcements and two Indian battalions from the Western Front. On 19th February 1916, Tighe, was at the quayside in Mombasa to welcome Smuts and within days, confidence had returned to British East Africa. [19: p19]

“Smuts, like his opponent von Lettow, was anxious at that time to avoid a stand up fight. He was determined to out manoeuvre von Lettow from every position as quickly and painlessly as possible, without actually defeating him openly in the field. Many of the British officers thought Smuts wrong; they thought that von Lettow should be conquered there and then in one blow, no matter what the cost while the South Africans were still eager and fresh.” [19: p21]

“The pattern for the future of the campaign had been set. Von Lettow would slowly retreat, fighting just enough to weary and tax the British, never too much to suffer too many casualties himself, taking every advantage of natural cover, using every ounce of guile and wit that he possessed to keep as large a force of Allied forces in East Africa as possible. Already von Lettow’s 6,000 troops in the northern area had caused a good deal of trouble to the invading force of about 45,000 men.” [19: p29]

In May 1916, British forces under Brigadier-General J.A. Hannyngton pursued von Lettow’s small force down the Usambarabahn towards Tanga. “The railway, had been destroyed by the Germans as they retired, and behind Hannyngton’s column came three hard worked companies of engineers who restored the line as they went. The railway line was re-laid at about two miles a day, a remarkable rate in the circumstances.” [19: p35]

Harry Fecitt comments: “On 14th May reconstruction of the Usambara Railway south of Ruvu commenced; the Germans had demolished the Ruvu bridge but the Corps 7 erected an 18-metre girder bridge on 20th May. From then onwards on the 320 kilometres of track leading to Tanga every bridge had been destroyed. However the demolitions had been hasty and planned ineffectively and the Corps could quickly make track diversions or re-build bridges. In many places the track had been torn up and the fastenings thrown into the bush, in other places the fastenings only had been removed, and elsewhere each alternate rail joint had been blown up. The track was repaired through Lembeni, Same, Makania, Hedaru and ‘German Bridge’ stations, the latter being reached on 20th June. ‘German Bridge’ was the last suitable crossing point over the Pangani River until Maurui is reached 80 kilometres further on. The Germans had started building a bridge here and the British completed the construction.” [21: p6-7 – for the full text of Fecitt’s article , please see Appendix C below]

By September 1916, British and Indian forces had fully captured the Usambarabahn. The Indian Railway Corps worked rapidly to repair the damage, erecting diversions and rebuilding bridges like the one at the Ruvu River to restore functionality for Allied logistics. The line was quickly operational and now connected to the Uganda Railway via the link between Voi and Moshi/Kahe.

The brochure goes on to say that Arusha would not remain the railhead for any great period. The Tanganyika Government had “in view a connection with the Central Line, but whether this projected line [would] run via Mbugwe, Kondoa, Irangi and Dodoma or via Mbugwe, Singida and Manyoni, [was] at present not decided. … Gen. Hammond and the General Manager of the Tanganyika Railways recently discussed the projected line with local public bodies who were in favour of the latter route.” [22: p19]

“In either case the projected line [would] tap the rich ‘Ufiome Triangle’ and the highlands West of the Rift Valley escarpment. Fifty to Sixty farms [had] been taken up in recent years in the sub-district of Mbulu, both above and below the escarpment.” [22: p19]

“There [was] also under consideration a branch from the Moshi-Arusha line to Engare Nairobi on the western slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro, and such line it [was] hoped, [would] later be joined with the Kenya and Uganda Railway near Kajiado, thus shortening the north and South route considerably and making direct communication with the Kenya capital.” [22: p19]

Needless to say, neither of these development were ultimately pursued.

Throughout the 1920s and 1930s, the line was primarily used to move agricultural produce (such as sisal and coffee) from the Usambara Mountains and Moshi area to the port of Tanga. During this period, the line shifted from a primarily military-geopolitical tool designed for German “Cape-to-Cairo” ambitions into an economic engine for the British colonial administration, particularly linking the Highlands to the coast. Passenger Service during the interwar years was sometimes handled by diesel multiple units (DMUs), a modernization compared to the purely steam-driven German era. The railway also facilitated the arrival and settlement of merchant families, particularly
Asian merchants, who consolidates trade in the interior, establishing themselves at various stations along the line. [23]

After the second world war, the Usambarabahn (Tanga line) in Tanganyika was integrated into the East African Railways (EAR) system. It played a key role in regional commerce, facilitating growth in towns like Arusha by the late 1940s.

In 1964,the line was linked to the Central Line via the Ruvu-Mruazi Link. This connected Tanga to Dar es Salaam facilitating better communication and trade in Tanzania. After the 1977 dissolution of the EAR, line became part of the Tanzania Railways Corporation.

References

The references appear immediately after the Appendices (A, B and C) below.

Appendix A: Developments in Farming and Land use in the German Protectorate in the areas around the Usambara Railway

These notes are a partial translation of a section of a paper presented to the German Association for the Promotion of Industryby Hans Wettich in 1911, written, probably, in 1910. [9]

Wettich provides an interesting interlude in the story of the Usambara Railway by examining the performance of a variety of crops introduced into plantations around the line of the railway. Plantation managers first turned to tobacco but discovered quickly that the African soil was light on the necessary nutrients to support more than minor local production. Plantation managers then turned to Coffee which also failed. [9: p4]

Wilkens & Wiese was formed in Tanga on 21st February 1898 with the acquisition of 3000 hectares to be used for a Coffee plantation in Ambangulu in the mountain triangle bordered by Luengera, Pangani and Mkomasi in western Usambara. clearance of the virgin forest commenced but with the intention of keeping as much of the cleared timber as possible for useful projects to limit the capital outlay on the project.

It turned out that, while the Javanese coffee seed developed well, the yield was poor, even with efforts made to improve soils quality. The company survived off the income of the sawmill that it set up to make the best use of cleared timber. The company decided that the plantation, dependent on coffee alone, could not get by. The expenses of the company amounted to 60000 Marks per year, which at a price of 60 Marks/hundredweight of coffee required a minimum harvest of 1000 hundredweight of Coffee. Only in 1907, however, was the harvest more, namely 1350 hundredweight. In 1908, only 350 hundredweight was produced. This improved in 1909 to about 800 hundredweight. It was therefore necessary to look for other more profitable plantation plants and the company gradually reduced the coffee stock from 700,000 trees/bushes to 300,000. [9: p4-5]

The other plantations in the North, with the exception of those in the Kilimanjaro area, also continued coffee cultivation only to a limited extent. Namely only in wind-protected and low-lying locations that allow intensive cultivation through fertilization and the necessary shading. On average, from 1903 to 1907, coffee worth 420,000 to 525,000 Marks was exported annually (330,000 to 500,000 kg per year). Only in 1908/09 was it possible to produce 650,000 kg with a value of 800,000 Marks due to a favorable harvest and good prices. [9: p5]

To increase the profitability of the plantation in Ambangulu, initial trials were conducted with quinine, but these were soon abandoned because the quinine trees suffered from vandalism during the dry season. Then, the Gerber Acacia [14] was cultivated, its bark contains 45% tannins and it allows for practical and inexpensive cultivation, as the tree, coppiced every 6-8 years, resprouts from the root. All areas in Ambangulu unsuitable for coffee cultivation were planted with Gerber Acacia. An additional benefit with these trees was that they provided the necessary wind protection for the coffee plants. On this plantation, 20 hectares were planted with Gerber Acacia, while in the Wilhelmsthal district, a total of 36 hectares were planted on 15 plantations, and 74 hectares were planted on 20 plantations. Wettich commented that, as of 1910, it was still questionable as to whether the Gerber Acacia would prove successful. [9: p5]

In order to put their planting company on a more reliable footing, Wilkens & Wiese decided to acquire land in the plain for planting Manioc and Sisal. Therefore, in 1906, the Kosalowe sisal plantation in the Pangani plain, which was in the process of being built, was purchased. It sat a 5 hour journey from Ambangulu.. There, 1,300,000 agaves were planted in three years, which yielded the first harvest as early as 1909. [9: p6]

The importance of Sisal cultivation in German East Africa can be seen in the official memorandum of 1908/09. The value of the hemp export from the Protectorate rose from a little more than 300,000 Marks in 1903 to almost 3 million marks in 1908, despite the fact that the prices in Manila fell from 900 marks per ton in 1907 to 520 marks in 1908 and fell to 480 marks in 1909. [9: p6]

The total export for 1909/10 showed a decrease in value compared to the previous year of about 500,000 marks, but an increase in exports of approximately 1400 tons. The Usambara region exported 2730 tons of hemp in 1907/08, 3873 tons in 1908/09, 5394 tons in 1909/I0. Cost price per ton was at most 300 marks. Even including shipment costs there remained a worthwhile profit of at least 180 marks per ton, even with the low hemp price in 1910. [9: p6]

It is therefore understandable that the sisal cultivation, which in 1906/07 covered 10,553 ha with 31 million heads, grew in 1908/09 to 14,316 ha with 40 million heads, and in 1909/10 to 17,141 ha with 45.25 million heads. Usambara and the district of Wilhelmsthal were part of this effort with their sisal plantations increasing from 2 million agaves and 650 ha in 1907 to 4.75 million agaves and 1490 ha in 1908/09. [9: p6]

In view of this great growth, the management of the Usambara Railway decided to run special Sisal wagons on the line, of which 3 were ordered in 1910. These wagons can be opened and closed in the middle of the roof by a horizontally movable ceiling, so that the wagon compartment can be completely filled with a load. [6]

Other crops were, in 1910, at least for Usambara, still under experimantation. [9: p6]

Cotton, on which great hopes were placed, is worth mentioning, but its cultivation in Usamhara does not seem to have been particularly successful. While its cultivation was spreading as an indigenous crop in the centre and south of the country, it was planted almost exclusively as an intermediate crop between annual Sisal Agaves in the Tanga and Wilhelmsthal districts. This probably explains the decline in crops reported for 1908/09 in the district of Wilhelmsthal, where only 1076 ha were planted in the previous year, while for 1909/10 an increase was recorded in the northern districts. However, the yield was affected by excessively wet weather in 1910/11. [9: p6-7]

Sugar cane wass planted in the Pangani Plain by Indians and Arabs, and it was not until 1909/10 that a European settler began cultivation of sugar cane in the Pangani area. While in 1907/08 exports were as high as 170,000 kg of sugar, in 1909 they fell to 10,000 kg. The official report for 1908/09 attributes this to the fact that the local sugar is being used up by the needs of the plantations in the Usambara region itself, and this decline is therefore a sign of the strong development of this region after the northern railway opened the way to the sea. [7]

With the exception of the north-west districts, rice had only found local importance, as had bananas. Beans, which are grown with great success in southern Uganda,were less important for Usambara. On the other hand, it seemed that the rubber plantations will be destined for greater success, in spite of the fact that the demand for labourers is about twice as great as for a Sisal plantation of the same size. The former reluctance of the planters, especially in the north-eastern districts, has subsided as a result of increased prices on the world market. [9: p7]

Coconut also found its way into the Usambara region. In 1908/09, 26 hectares were already planted with 2580 young coconut palms in the district of Wilhelmsthal. [9: p7]

Woodlands

In addition to the plantation economy, the mountains have gained in importance for Usambara. In a report in the “Deutsche Kolonialzeitung”, the Imperial Chief Forester Eckert estimates the usable areas aroud the Usambara Railway and its extension at about 125,000 ha. There are, however, significantl;y larger forest areas accessible

In any case, significantly larger forest areas were accessible via branch lines. On 1st April 1910, the authorities owned about 382,056 hectares of forest reserves in the entire Protectorate, of which 62,965 hectares were in the Wilhelmsthal-Tanga-Pangani forest district alone. About 39,000 ha of forest reserves were in preparation in these districts in 1910. However, the government only exploited the forests if there were no perceived difficulties such as the Mangrove forests in the Rufidji Delta. Otherwise, the use of forests was leased. The size of the leased fiscal forests in the entire protected area in 1908/09 was 16,000 ha, in which 4480 cubic metres of timber were felled with a levy to the tax authorities of 46,300 Rupees. The government’s own felling, on the other hand, amounted to only 6665 cubic metres. For 1909/10 the leased fiscal forest area was 21200 ha, which produced a levy of 9184 Rupees for the tax authorities. [9: p7]

The Composition of the Holdings

As far as the forests of Usambara were concerned, the trees were of mixed quality. There were are hardwoods, some of which were difficult to use because of their hardness. Easily splitable wood species were already in use by natives, but according to a report by Chief Forestry Officer Dr. Haug, Stuttgart, there are only 2 varieties of industrially viaable coniferous woods. Uniform stands of the same wood species are hardly found. Unusable woods, such as the poisonous Kandela Acacia, often swamp other varieties. [9: p8]

There are some of the hardwoods that can be used for construction in spite of their hardness and are increasingly being sold in the country itself. There are also some woods that are excellently suited for the furniture industry and joinery, including mahogany. This type of wood is planted out in suitable places during reforestation. Planting experiments have also been made in quarries with various types of teak wood, which show favourable success in humid locations, so that it is to be expected that the forests of Usambara will increase in value quite significantly through afforestation with these precious woods. However, teak cultivation in quarries will be abandoned, as most of it is on dry soil and tends to be covered by the existing canopy and so very dry. [9: p8]

For the lowlands, the characteristic wood species is the Mangrove, which is felled because of the rich tannin content of its bark. In 1909/10, for example, the bark harvested by private individuals in the entire Protectorate was 3,506,480 kg! [9: p8]

In the primeval forests found at around 1200 m above sea-level there were some isolated extraordinarily mighty trunks. Also there was Mkweo wood (which grows in long, bright trunks of good strength and it has properties equivalent to American walnut wood), after being taken to the sawmill of Messrs. Wilkens & Wiese in Ambangulu, wood was carried on a 20 km long light railway to the Usambara Railway and via Tanga to Hamburg, where it was sold by a trader in overseas woods, Janson & Pielstick. It had by 1910/11 proved itself excellent for telephone boxes and was used for the interior of the D-train cars, and the cabins and salons of the large ships. Wettich sited work ongoing on a Reichspost steamer and a large steamer of the Hamburg-America Line, currently under construction.

Mkweo was also used in parquet flooring and was exhibited in this form in Brussels. It was noted as having a calm, distinguished tone, Its wood had not, in 1910/11, yet been used for furniture although Mkweo was much cheaper than American walnut. Wettich anticipated that the furniture industry would soon adopt the wood, as its use for railway, ship and telephone purposes guarantees its good properties. The sawmill in Ambangulu, which also cuts the camphor-like smelling yellowish Mkeneneholz, which shows hardly any tendency to crack and is available in dense and large blocks, currently also supplies other timber for private and state institutes and enterprises, furthermore it also supplied Mareka, a magnificent, heavy and hard wood with a very beautiful grain, which Wettich was sure would soon be in use for interior design and as a veneer for furniture. [9: p8-9]

It is worth noting that Mkweo timber (also known as Mbane in Nguru), hard and yellow, was much used locally and exported to Germany where it was used for wagons and shipbuilding, including luxury panelling etc. Supplies were about exhausted by 1945 and it is presumably very scarce now. [15] I have not been able to find further references to Mkeneneholz timber.

The German Timber Company for East Africa of Berlin, harvested at approximately the same altitudes on the banks of the Sigi River, wood of yellow to dark brown colour, which resembled teak but was considerably lighter, hard and strong in colour. The wood was gladly bought by the wagon and shipbuilding industries at a price of 145 marks per cubic metre. The company also supplied grey, occasionally yellowish, single-grained Matamba wood which was used in-country for handicrafts, and the oak-like Kengeholz (yellowish brown) wood. These woods from the Sigi River area were very light and easy to work with with great hardness and strength. [9: p9]

In spite of the country’s own abundance of wood, it had not been possible in the Protectorate (by 1910/11) to completely displace the Nordic pine and spruce wood, which had the advantage of cheapness. On the coast in 1907 a cubic metre cost 64 marks. At that price, even the company Wilkens & Wiese still had to use Norwegian wood for its roof construction work. [9: p9-10]

Significantly more valuable than the stands of the plain and the middle altitudes were the forests of the Usambara plateau, which are located at an altitude of about 2000 m. Here were the Schagai Forest, the Magamba Forest and especially the Schummewald. In these primeval forests there are often scattered numerous cedars, whose trunks sometimes reach a height of 40 to 50 metres and have diameters of up to 2 metres or more. [] The wood is comparatively soft, so that it can be used as pencil wood, all the more so as the American cedar is becoming rarer and of a lower quality according to the trade. Brush handles, long pipe stems and camera bodies for the tropics are further products from it. The most beautifully coloured blocks of the yellow to intense red and polishable, mahagony-like wood would also be adopted by the furniture industry for luxury furniture. To have recognized the value of these forests is the merit of Hermann von Wissmann, who drew Mr. Wiese’s attention to them early on. Today, the government has concluded a number of lease agreements for the use of wood in Usambara, and according to the official report for I909/10 from the Schummewald, about 1240 cubic meters of cedar wood have been used this year. Experimental plantings with the cigar box wood cedar of the Cedrala odorata have also been successfully carried out in Amani, so that the production of this wood for Usambara is also secured. [9: p10-11]

Another precious wood of the Schummewald, which could be used primarily for the furniture industry and handicrafts, was the white, slightly grained Podocarpus wood, [9: p11][17]

Appendix B: The Industrial development of northern German East Africa under the influence of the Usambara Railway, its branch lines and road extensions

These notes are a partial translation of a section of a paper presented to the German Association for the Promotion of Industryby Hans Wettich in 1911, written, probably, in 1910. [9]

As significant progress in the construction of the Usambara Railway occurred, parallel developments prospered. This was particularly noticeable in the area of Kilimanjaro and Mount Meru, where the first section of the Kilimanjaro Road, extending from the railway line for a distance of 134 km, was completed in 1909. Another road ran from Same, an intermediate station on the new Usambara Railway line (350 km), via Moshi to Arusha, which opened up the southwestern slopes of the Pare Mountains and connected to individual settlement areas via access roads. In addition to settler plantations, along these transport routes, native settlements and cultivation occurred.  A road from Mombo to Wilhelmsthal and from there on to the Kwai Domain, Mount Magamba, and the Schumme Forest was also  constructed. [9: p36]

Furthermore, agricultural and mining enterprises in the area of the northern valley were on the rise. Trade and commerce had experienced a significant increase, which was reflected in strong attendances at markets. The upswing was also characterized by the increase in timber harvesting concessions, which in 1909/10 amounted to slightly over 5000 hectares in the three forest districts of Tanga, Panguni, and Wilhelmsthal.

Industrially, the Mukomassi-Wasser-development company was at work. It intended to construct a power plant in the valley of the upper Mukomassi on the Usambara railway. This would, when open, process the rich clay deposits located there into aluminum using electrical means.

In 1908/09, the latest year for which information was available to Wettich, only mining operations existed, such as in the district of Wilhelmsthal for precious minerals and shared prospecting fields. Mica mining fields were put into operation in West Usambara in 1909/10.

Appendix C: The Indian Railway Corps East African Expeditionary Force, 1914-1919

Introduction

In early August 1914 India was tasked with providing Indian Expeditionary Forces (IEFs) ‘B’ and ‘C’ for service in East Africa, and the provision of a Railway Corps was included in the organisation of IEF ‘B’ that was destined for German East Africa (GEA). The 25th and 26th Railway Companies, Sappers & Miners, under Majors C.F. Anderson and C.W. Wilkinson, both Royal Engineers, along with the Traffic and Locomotive Reserve of the two companies were mobilised at Sialkot and Quetta. Each company was around 300 men strong; an accompanying Coolie Corps of 300 men was raised mostly from the relatives of the company personnel. The officers were nearly all civilian railway officers of the Indian State Railways or Royal Engineer officers employed under the Indian Railway Board. The skills included survey, construction and operation. Major Anderson was medically repatriated soon after arrival and Lieutenant H.L. Woodhouse, Royal Engineers, then commanded the 25th Railway Company. Sir William Johns CIE was appointed Director of Railways.

The Indian Railway Board provided equipment sufficient for the repair and running of a section of the German East Africa railway. This equipment included 10 miles (16 kilometres) of 50-pound track, a large surplus of sleepers, 15 locomotives, nearly 200 trucks, a large number of pine baulks, a number of 20-foot and 40-foot bridge spans, cranes, pile drivers, machine tools, hand tools of all sorts, survey instruments, tents and office necessities. The companies brought out their own telegraph equipment but this was later handed over to the Indian Telegraph unit that carried out all the telegraph work of the railways and tramways.

Initial Employment in British East Africa

The Railway Corps arrived in two ships at Tanga in GEA where IEF ‘B’ was scheduled to land. Tanga was the Indian Ocean terminal of the German Usambara Railway that ran to Moshi near Mount Kilimanjaro; the British later named this line The Northern Railway. IEF ‘B’ failed to defeat the German force at Tanga and re-embarked; the Railway Corps stayed on its ships throughout the Tanga fight. IEF ‘B’ then steamed up to Kilindini, the port at Mombasa in British East Africa (BEA). Mombasa was the ocean terminal for the British Uganda Railway that ran up to Lake Victoria. IEF ‘B’ disembarked at Kilindini on 9th November 1914 and merged with IEF ‘C’ that had arrived in BEA in September.

A Railway Corps survey party commenced delineating a route for a military railway from Voi on the Uganda Railway westwards towards Moshi in GEA. The Railway Companies took over the defence of the Uganda Railway, sections of which were under threat from enemy raiding parties from GEA. Once all the stores had been landed it was decided to return most of the locomotive and traffic staff and the civilian officers to India, from where they could be easily recalled. In late December the two companies were moved from railway defence to construction work on the Kajiado to Longido road; better use was now made of their technical expertise and qualifications in the construction of roads, fortified posts and water supplies. The 25th Company went to Namanga and Longido and the 26th Company was based at Bissel.

Railway Construction

In February 1915 the decision was made to construct the first 40 miles (65 kilometres) of the one metre-guage military line from Voi towards Moshi in order to connect the military posts at Bura and Maktau. Twenty five miles of track were sent from India, 5 Miles were borrowed from the Uganda Railway, and the Corps already possessed 10 miles. The Railway Board in India continued its excellent support to the Corps by delivering to site the 25 miles of track only seven weeks after receiving the indent in India. The specialists were recalled from India and the companies were moved to Voi; material was moved up from Kilindini.

The construction method used was that one company laid track whilst the other worked ahead building the next bridge. Local labour for bush-cutting and earthworks was recruited from the Wataita tribe with the help of the District Commissioner and a missionary of the Church Missionary Society. The Wataita proved to be intelligent men who were quick learners. The 61st (King George’s Own) Pioneers had also landed with IEF ‘B’ and it had recently been employed in prolonging the Coonoor Railway to Ootacamund; when not tasked elsewhere the Pioneers provided useful support to the Corps. As the railhead advanced the Coolie Corps took over the maintenance of the track.

The Voi River was crossed and the first station opened at Mile 6.5 on 16th April. Heavy monsoon rains set in during May delaying the movement forward of supplies as the line needed constant repair and maintenance. On 31st May the bridge and station at Bura were opened at Mile 22. From now on the railway had to carry troops, supplies and water between Voi and Bura as well as construction material. The first section of the line was completed to Maktau on 23rd June. Whilst the railhead was advancing a big effort had been put into making Voi a suitable terminus for the military line. A workshop had been constructed, engines and rolling stock were brought up from Kilindini, a large store yard was established and an armoured train was built.

An unescorted Wataita earthwork gang was fired on by a German patrol and four men were wounded on 9th June; the Wataita were undeterred and asked if they could bring their bows and arrows to the worksite in future. The military line was blown up for the first time five days later, and after that the Germans blew the line every week, usually at around 2000 hours. This suited the repair gangs as they could make overnight repairs before the first morning train was run. The German demolitions were never very effective. On one occasion a train carrying the 130th (King George’s Own) Baluchis (Jacob’s Rifles) was pushing a truck loaded with sepoys’ kits ahead of it when an enemy mine detonated under the truck. A gap 0.75 metres in length was blown out of one of the rails but the complete train successfully passed over the gap and proceeded, with passenger and cargo damage being confined to some of the sepoys’ kits. The Germans had more success when attacking the Uganda Railway as that line often ran through desolate country and could be approached more easily.

A British attack at Mbuyuni, west of Maktau, failed on 14th July and that failure halted extension of the line. During this halt the companies constructed field works and defences and put in crossing stations and sidings on the Uganda Railway. A regular train service was introduced between Voi and Maktau and a Train Control System was installed. A second indent for 30 miles of track was sent to India and it arrived two months later. On November 13th 1915 the Director of Railways was placed in control of the Uganda Railway. This was done in order to ensure intimate cooperation between the Uganda Railway and the military line during the planned British offensive in early 1916. Officers and men of the Railway Corps were posted to the Uganda Railway whose operations were effectively militarised.

Platelaying began again in January 1916 and Mbuyuni, Mile 53.25, was reached on the 25th of that month, the Germans having withdrawn from the location two days earlier without fighting. Thousands of South African, British, Rhodesian, Indian and African troops were now being housed in camps along the military line and the supply of water in railway travelling tanks to these camps was a vital task for the Corps. Some relief was obtained when the engineers ran a pipeline from Bura, where the water was sourced, to Maktau. The British attacked Salaita Hill, west of Mbuyuni, on 12th February but the attack failed, the enemy counter-attacking to the railhead at Lanjoro, Mile 60.

Moving into German East Africa

The Germans withdrew from Salaita Hill and moved to defend the Latema-Reata hills just west of Taveta on the GEA and BEA border. The Corps pushed the military line westwards through dense bush, following up the advancing British troops. From drafts arriving from India and from within the existing Railway Companies the 27th Railway Company, Sappers & Miners, was formed; the Company Commander was Captain R.E. Gordon, Royal Engineers. This allowed the Corps to continue platelaying in dangerous territory whilst providing its own security. The Lumi River was crossed and Taveta reached, Mile 75, on 23rd March. After a tough fight the Germans had withdrawn from the Latema-Reata position on 12th March, allowing the Corps to lay track over a saddle between the two hills.

The enemy was demolishing the Usambara Railway line as he withdrew down it and once Moshi was in British hands a half-company of the Corps repaired the track from Moshi to the Ruvu River. Meanwhile the railhead was advanced over what was the toughest stretch on the entire military line. The monsoon rains again fell heavily but three rivers were crossed and a dense forest penetrated; the soil was black-cotton and quickly became marsh resulting in platelaying being achieved under water. A junction with the Usambara line was made 20 kilometres below Moshi and 40 kilometres from Taveta on 25th April. This was just in time for the British troops in Moshi who had lost their road from Taveta to the monsoon rains and floods, and who now relied upon supplies arriving by train.

The South African General J.L. Van Deventer was tasked by the British theatre commander, General J.C. Smuts, to advance south-westwards through Arusha and Kondoa Irangi to the German Central Railway line that ran from Dar Es Salaam on the Indian Ocean coast to Lake Tanganyika in the interior. To assist the supply columns supporting the South Africans in getting across a large number of bad drifts on the initial stage of the road the Railway Corps was tasked with pushing a line westwards from Moshi over the Garanga River to Sanja, Mile 21 on this new short line. Sanja was reached by the end of June. At this time the 28th Railway Company, Sappers & Miners, arrived from India commanded by Captain. E. St.G. Kirke, Royal Engineers, raising the establishment of the Railway Companies to that of a battalion. Lieutenant Colonel C.W. Wilkinson, Royal Engineers, was appointed Commandant of the Railway Battalion which became a unit in the Railway Corps.

Reconstructing the Usambara Railway

On 14th May reconstruction of the Usambara Railway south of Ruvu commenced; the Germans had demolished the Ruvu bridge but the Corps 7 erected an 18-metre girder bridge on 20th May. From then onwards on the 320 kilometres of track leading to Tanga every bridge had been destroyed. However the demolitions had been hasty and planned ineffectively and the Corps could quickly make track diversions or re-build bridges. In many places the track had been torn up and the fastenings thrown into the bush, in other places the fastenings only had been removed, and elsewhere each alternate rail joint had been blown up. The track was repaired through Lembeni, Same, Makania, Hedaru and ‘German Bridge’ stations, the latter being reached on 20th June. ‘German Bridge’ was the last suitable crossing point over the Pangani River until Maurui is reached 80 kilometres further on. The Germans had started building a bridge here and the British completed the construction.

Just beyond ‘German Bridge’ is Buiko, 180 kilometres from Tanga and the mid-point in the line. Mombo station, Mile 75, was opened on 29th June; from here the Germans had built a hand-powered field railway (trolley line) of 60 centimetres gauge to Handeni, 65 kilometres to the south. 25th Railway Company assisted the Royal Engineers in restoring this line as it also had been partially destroyed, and on completion this trolley line was very useful for moving supplies in support of General Smuts’ advance to Morogoro.

Fighting in the Infantry Role

On 4th July, railhead reached the Pangani River near Maurui and by the end of the month had reached Korogwe. However the German theatre commander, Colonel Paul von Lettow, had early in July tasked 500 or more of his troops as a ‘stay behind’ group to harass the British lines of communication in the area between Tanga, Maurui and Handeni. This enemy group successfully made a nuisance of itself by attacking convoys, mining roads, cutting telegraph and telephone lines and sniping from the bush. An attack by 170 German troops with a light gun had been repulsed at Zugunatto Bridge by the Jind Infantry on 13th July; the soldiers from the Princely State of Jind were amongst the best of the British troops. General Smuts ordered his Inspector General of Communications Brigadier General W.F.S. Edwards, a former BEA policeman, to resolve this problem. As Edwards had no spare infantry he decided to use the 25th and 26th Railway Companies, Indian Sappers and Miners, along with a few infantrymen, and reported this to General Smuts who made no comment. But Edwards did not confer with the Director of Railways who badly needed those two companies to stay on the job of railway restoration in order to alleviate supply problems. After dark on 13th July the two companies with 100 Jind Infantry, 50 British other ranks and 100 sepoys, moved out from Korogwe tasked with attacking Segera Hill and Mfumbile. Captain E. St.G. Kirke, Royal Engineers, commanded the companies and Lieutenant Colonel Wilkinson commanded the force.

The Railway Companies did well on Segera Hill, getting up to a machine gun, killing the German NCO in charge and capturing the gun in a bayonet assault. The German force withdrew hurriedly but counterattacked next day. The companies were up to their new task and broke the enemy assault. Lt Col Wilkinson now moved across country to deal with an enemy force at Hale, found that it had withdrawn to Kwa Mugwe, moved there and drove the enemy rear-guard away and then repelled another German counter-attack on 19th July. In these operations the machine guns of the accompanying Jind Infantry gave the Railway Companies the supporting firepower that they needed. The companies then returned to their railway duties, having taken a few casualties but doubtless with many war stories to tell. On 18th August Tanga was reached and the port and railway came into use for moving supplies from Kilindini to Korogwe where another 60-centimetre trolley line was constructed towards Handeni. The materials for this line came from abandoned German farms and plantations and the locomotion came from adapted Ford cars used as tractors and operated by the East Africa Motor Transport Corps.

Incidents on the Central Railway

The Royal Navy along with infantry units advancing from Bagamoyo seized Dar Es Salaam, the GEA capital, on 4th September. A reconnaissance of the Central Railway between Morogoro and Dar Es Salaam showed that all bridges were down. Two Railway Companies were shipped to Dar Es Salaam to start repairing the track from that end and the other two were shipped to Bagamoyo; from Bagamoyo they moved overland to the dropped bridges over the Ruwu River which urgently needed reconstruction. The line was repaired for light use to Morogoro and mechanical transport units converted a selection of lorries to rail tractors, allowing the South African Pioneers to run a supply service westwards to Dodoma, 240 kilometres from Morogoro. Each tractor could pull 15 tons of trucks and freight. Further work was needed before the heavier steam trains could use the line but Dodoma was being supplied from Dar Es Salaam by steam trains on 1st January 1917. The South African Water Supply Corps gave constant support to the Railway Corps whenever a water supply point or a pumping station needed to be established, and large numbers of labourers from the South African Native Labour Corps were supplied to support the Corps; unfortunately many of these Africans succumbed to tropical diseases.

The Germans had destroyed many engines and trucks on the line but again their demolition work was unsatisfactory and did not greatly hinder the Corps. Troops from the Belgian Congo, now the Democratic Republic of the Congo, had crossed Lake Tanganyika and fought their way to Tabora, where 40 engines and 200 trucks were found basically undamaged. These were shared with the Belgians. The Railway Corps moved its base from BEA to Dar Es Salaam but immediately had to support the engineers restoring the docks there; Corps cranes were used to unload ships and the companies constructed jetties and slipways. In January 1917 Major L.N. Malan, Royal Engineers, took over command of the Railway Battalion from Colonel Wilkinson who became Deputy Director of the Railway Corps.

In April 1917 a branch line was constructed from Dodoma on the Central Railway southwards towards the Ruaha River. 26th, 27th and 28th Railway Companies were involved in the work which lasted until August, when railhead reached Matikira, Mile 28. The country was very difficult to cross and the lack of shipping to bring down sleepers from Kilindini caused delay. As soon as this short line was no longer needed the rails were recovered and used elsewhere.

A bad accident occurred on the Central Railway on 5th May when a re-built bridge at Mkata collapsed at night in heavy rain, due to an original German pier proving to have insufficient foundations. Sixteen gunners from 24th (Hazara) Mountain Battery (Frontier Force) and four Askari from the King’s African Rifles were drowned when their cattle trucks fell into the swollen river. Many other men were badly injured when they were flung against weapons and stores in the trucks. 26th Railway Company was deployed to restore the damaged line.

On 29th August 1917 the station at Kahe, where the military line from Voi joined the Usambara Railway from Moshi, was unexpectedly attacked by enemy troops, causing consternation amongst rear-echelon elements in Nairobi. An enemy raiding party had broken away from the German forces in southern GEA and had advanced northwards across the Central Railway, attacking British and Belgian locations; former German Askari enthusiastically joined the raiders. Elements of the party got up to Lake Victoria and one small group attacked Kahe. Two trains were captured as they approached the station, then looted and burned. Three British officers were taken prisoner, the Station Master was mortally wounded and a number of porters and labourers were killed. Before withdrawing the Germans started one of the two trains and let it run towards Taveta, but an Indian engine driver who had escaped into the bush jumped into one of the two engines on the train and brought it under control. When the train was at a safe distance from Kahe the driver disconnected the carriages and drove the engines to Taveta, where he was given a prompt military award.

A Trolley Line in the Kilwa Area

Moving south the British now developed Kilwa Kisinjane as a port where men and supplies could be landed. Commencing in November 1916 a 60centimetre tramway was built by the Corps from the ocean to Kilwa Kivinje, a distance of 26 kilometres, and then onwards for a further 24 kilometres. The construction material was produced by stripping the trolley lines previously built from Mombo and Korogwe. Motor tractors were again used and a driver company and a supporting maintenance company were formed from mechanical transport personnel; these companies became sub-units in the Railway Corps.

However tropical diseases and ailments such as malignant malaria were now affecting the Corps badly and often far more men of all trades were sick than were at work. Also the driving of tractors on railway lines, especially around curves, was not as easy as many potential drivers thought and de-railings with consequent damage were frequent. Sixty more tractors were ordered from India and 50 more from South Africa; these were all converted Ford cars with bogie trucks in place of the front axle and with heavier back axles and box bodies. The first 16 kilometres of track was duplicated but in broader guage and steam trains ran along it, allowing swifter movement of men from the port to the first camp site where water was available. In July 1917 further construction was authorised at Kilwa and the 60-centimetre line was extended to Lungo, Mile 84, by November. On this line, which had a slight gradient, each box-body tractor pulled two trailers with a total load of up to 2.72 metric tonnes (3 tons).

Construction activities at Lindi

A hundred and ten kilometres south of Kilwa more port facilities were developed at Lindi, which had a fine natural harbour. A British force was moving into the interior and needed a railway to follow it. Steam trains were ruled out because shipping was not available to move the necessary materials and rolling stock from Dar Es Salaam and Kilindini, so another 60-centimetre tractor line was started. This was helped by the fact that an existing trolley line led from several former German plantations to a jetty on the river running into Lindi Harbour; it was estimated that 30 kilometres of track could be recovered from the German line.

The 25th Railway Company deployed to Lindi in June and commenced work, following the British advance. Survey work on both the Lindi and Kilwa lines was sometimes interrupted the appearance of both lions, rhinoceros and elephants, and occasionally by the approach of enemy patrols who were engaged and driven off. On 27th August the line was open to Mtua and proved to be very useful in quickly evacuating wounded men as well as in carrying forward supplies. In this month the 27th Railway Company arrived at Lindi, and support was provided by the South African Pioneers and the 61st (King George’s Own) Pioneers. Unskilled labour was badly needed and this problem had to be solved by moving down large labour gangs from the Usumbara and Central Railways. A few small steam engines were found on various plantations and put to use on the line. When the tractors from India arrived it was found that their axles had been made from inferior steel and they broke at the rate of two or three a day. This problem was compounded by severe rates of sickness that affected most of the Corps. At the beginning of November only 9 tractors out of 36 were working and only two mechanics were manning the workshops.

Later in the month the Kilwa line was closed down and personnel were redeployed to Lindi where the Corps base was relocated, however the movement of badly needed materials and plant was delayed by shipping shortages. Railhead reached Ndanda, Mile 62, on 27th February 1918 and the decision was made to stop the line there. By then General, as he now was, von Lettow … and his slimmed-down German army were moving deeper into Portuguese East Africa (PEA), now Mozambique.

The Run-down of the Indian Railway Corps in East Africa

By November 1917 the 25th Railway Company was medically unfit for work with its strength at less than 40 fit men, and it was returned to India in March 1918. The 26th and 27th Railway Companies were in a similar condition and in May they also returned to India. 28th Railway Company remained in the field and all recent arrivals and returnees from leave were posted into that company. The Lindi line continued to be used and Army Service Corps men drove supplies from railhead into PEA; sadly many of these European drivers succumbed to tropical diseases and are buried in East Africa. As the East African Force was slimmed down Directorates were abolished and in March Sir William Johns left the theatre after handing over the Railway Corps to Colonel Wilkinson.

Up in Nairobi a tramway 13 kilometres long was constructed from the town to the vast King’s African Rifles (KAR) Depot Camp at Mbagathi; the running of this line was handed over to the KAR. The line from Voi to Tanga was practically on a peace footing and the Central Railway was being converted to commercial use. The arrival of 100 new tractors from South Africa, the increased use of steam traction, and a big improvement in the health of the personnel meant that soon the Lindi line was running very efficiently.

In September, as the Germans in PEA were observed to be moving northwards, the Lindi line was ordered to be extended 30 kilometres to Massasi. The 28th Railway Company which was stood-by to sail for India quickly returned to Ndanda and started the work. Concurrently permission was obtained to raise an African Pioneer Company to replace the 28th Company. Suitable men were recruited from maintenance gangs on the Central Railway and from labour that had worked on the Mbagathi trolley line. The Lindi line reached Massasi in mid-November just as General von Lettow-Vorbeck, still undefeated and then in Northern Rhodesia, now Zambia, accepted the Armistice terms decided in Europe and agreed to surrender. The 28th Railway Company sailed for India.

The Indian Railway Corps retained responsibility for railways in East Africa until January 1919, when civilian direction and personnel replaced it. The Corps had done an excellent job, tackling the diverse and serious challenges that East Africa presented in a most professional manner. Credit for the performance of the Corps must be attributed to the support provided by the Indian Railways Board and the Corps of Royal Engineers, but above all else to the skill, adaptability and perseverance of the men of the Railway Companies, Sappers & Miners. Shabash!

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9. Hans Wettich; The development of Usambara under the influence of the East African Northern Railway and its private branch lines, with special consideration of the Mkumbara-Neu-Hornow cableway; Simion, Berlin 1911. Reprint from: Proceedings of the Association for the Promotion of Industry 90 (1911), Issue 6; via https://publikationen.ub.uni-frankfurt.de/frontdoor/index/index/docId/11924, accessed on 24th February 2026.
10. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philipp_Holzmann, accessed on 9th March 2026.
11. This and the next few references hold a translation of the first four pages of Hans Wettich’s paper (Reference 9 above). it parallels the account in the main text of the article above: “With the advance of the Usambara Railway, the north of the colony of German East Africa has undergone a development that must be of particular interest not only to the engineer, for here the interaction between the natural riches of the country and the engineering art used for development is vividly demonstrated and, on the other hand, between the engineering works carried out and the economic development of the country. “If a picture of this development is to be unrolled here from a technical point of view, taking into account at the same time the means of transport used to open up Usambara, it is first necessary to name the sources from which the sources were drawn. These are notes and information from literature, daily newspapers and African periodicals, official records and reports, but preferably reports and reports originating from the companies and companies involved. Commissioned by the plantation company Wilkins & Wiese, Tanga; the Deutsche Holzgesellschaft für OstaJrika in Berlin, the Deutsche Kolonial-Eisenbahn-Bau- lind Betriebsgesellschaft, Berlin; of the cable car factory of Adolf Bleichert & Co., Leipzig and the timber import company, Ja,l1son & Pielstick, Hamburg, the author had extensive information at his disposal. In addition, there are personal reports from engineers and fitters who were involved in the construction of railways in Usambara, and from officials of some of the companies mentioned who travelled through these regions. … It is a well-known fact that rich colonies are to a certain extent self-determining. Plantations, agriculture or mining enterprises penetrate into the area of political occupation and make do with the most primitive means of transport, for the high-value products of the country also permit high transport costs. Transport routes follow the advancing demands, and the procurement of the capital required for railways and roads presents no difficulty. … Less rich colonies, or those whose wealth cannot be readily recognized, want to be seized first, they want to get roads and railways before plantations can spread on a larger scale, before the exploitation of the country’s treasures can take place. In such cases, the raising of capital for the transport route also entails some difficulties, and the help of the government and the help of the mother country cannot be dispensed with.” [p1-2] “If we look at the development of German East Africa from this point of view, it must be conceded that from the time of the acquisition of the protected area, the government and private entrepreneurs, but unfortunately not the Reichstag, have really taken stock of the situation. If a few slightly enthusiastic circles were able to tell of the fabulous riches of the country, they were generally sober about everything. and initially demanded transport routes that were to be joined by plantations and mining ventures in a colonizing manner.” [p2]
12. The translation of Hans Wettich’s paper continues by focussing on the Usambara Railway: “Although in the centre and south of the country there was an established relatively large overland traffic between Zanzibar and the great lakes, the North seemed to be the most suitable for the beginning of the colony, because here, only a short distance from the coast and the port of Tanga, was the Usambara region, whose fertility was known and whose high altitude climate seemed to permit the settlement of Europeans. Of course, the government preferred the centrally located Dar es Salaam more as a counterweight to Zanzibar, which had become English, and in order to strengthen Dar es Salaam, settled on a project to construct a Central Railway on the old caravan route via Tabora to Lake Tanganjika. Private capital, however, turned to the North, where a whole number of plantations were established in a short time. This resulted in a project to create a branch line from the coast to the caravan site of Korogwe, being aired before 1888. In 1893, the construction of this first German colonial railway was started by the Eisenbahngesellshaft für Ostafrika (Railway Company of East Africa) under the support of the Ostafrikanischen Gesellschaft (East African Society), and on 1st April 1896 the line from Tanga to Muhesa was opened. Construction had to be stopped at Muhesa due to a lack of further funds. In 1897, the Ostafrikanischen Gesellschaft declared itself unable to continue to support the Eisenbahngesellshaft für Ostafrika in the loss-making operation of the railway, and the government had to step in with a monthly allowance of 6000 Marks and finally take over the railway for the price of 1,300,000 Marks. It is obvious that the operation of the line to Muhesa could not be economical, since no major production area had yet been reached at that point, and that it was necessary to extend the line at least to Korogwe and thus connect it to the busy Usambaraland. Ln 1901, the Reichstag approved the funds for this length of the line, but twice refused the means to continue to Mombo. It was not until 1903 that a budget was set aside for this purpose. The construction of the Korogwe-Mombo railway line was transferred to the company Lenz & Co., of Berlin. As a result of the construction work the railway’s profitability grew, and the government, leased the further construction of the railway and its operation to the German Kolonial-Eisenbahnbau-und Betriebsgesellschaft of Berlin in 1905. From then on, railway construction made stronger progress. In 1910, Buiko was reached with 174 km, and today work is being done on the continuation to Moschi (350 km), whereby already in the 3rd quarter of 1910, according to newspaper reports, a total length of 254 km has been reached.” [p2-4]
13. https://rogerfarnworth.com/2026/03/08/the-mkumbara-to-neu-hornow-cableway-ropeway-usambara-hills-tanganyika
14. Gerber Acacia (Senegalia catechu) – The Gerber Acacia is a deciduous tree that reaches heights of 6 to 10 metres. Its bark is fissured and cracks into wide strips. The twigs have a downy bark and often bear a few hook-shaped thorns formed from the stipules. … The seeds contain a water-soluble mucilage with a high protein content, which is edible for humans. The leaves are considered good fodder and are primarily fed to goats. The wood makes good firewood and is also used for charcoal production . It is also well-suited as construction timber. The resin is used in tanning and dyeing . Gum arabic can be extracted from the bark. … Some constituents of the Gerber Acacia have astringent properties, so the crystallized resin Khersal is used in Ayurveda for chronic diarrhoea , dysentery , colitis , and leukorrhea , and as a mouthwash for stomatitis (inflammation of the oral mucosa), gingivitis (inflammation of the gums), pharyngitis (inflammation of the throat), and laryngitis (inflammation of the larynx). For this purpose, the heartwood should be dried. For more information see: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gerber-Akazie, accessed on 11th March 2026.
15. https://plants.jstor.org/compilation/Beilschmiedia.kweo, accessed on 12th March 2026.
16. Juniperus procera (known by the common English names African juniper, African pencil-cedar, East African juniper, East African-cedar, and Kenya-cedar) is a coniferous tree native to mountainous areas in Africa and the Arabian Peninsula. It is a characteristic tree of the Afromontane flora. It is a medium-sized tree reaching 20–25 metres (66–82 feet) (rarely 40 m or 130 ft) tall, with a trunk up to 1.5–2 m (5–6+1⁄2 ft) diameter and a broadly conical to rounded or irregular crown. For more information, see the relevant Wikipedia article: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Juniperus_procera, accessed on 14th March 2026.
17. Podocarpus wood is commonly traded as podo or yellowwood, it is a versatile, light-to-medium-weight softwood derived from various species within the Podocarpaceae family, such as Podocarpus neriifolius and Afrocarpus falcatus. Despite being classified botanically as a softwood, it often behaves like hardwood, prized for its fine texture, straight grain, and yellowish-brown colour. For more information, see the relevant Wikipedia article: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Afrocarpus_falcatus, accessed on 14th March 2026.
18. https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=1339164168244702&set=a.594438710970128, accessed on 15th March 2026.
19. https://gweaa.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/Campaign-East-Africa-Copy-for-GWAA-site.pdf, 16th March 2026.
20. C. J. Thornhill; Taking Tanganyika: Experiences of an Intelligence Officer 1914-1918; Trade Paperback, 2004.
21. Harry Fecitt; The Indian Railway Corps East African Expeditionary Force, 1914-1919; via https://gweaa.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/The-Indian-Railway-Corps-East-African-Expeditionary-Force_1.pdf, accessed on 16th March 2026.
22. Arusha: A Brochure of the Northern Province and its Capital Town 1929; 1929, p20, via https://ntz.info/gen/b00297.html, accessed on 17th March 2026.
23. Christopher Nelson; Photographs of Arusha; 1960, via https://ntz.info/gen/n00514.html, accessed on 17th March 2026.
24. https://www.arushanews.co.tz/columns/the-usambara-railway-the-line-that-climbed-the-hills, accessed on 17th March 2026.
25. https://www.facebook.com/GermanColonialEmpire/photos/next-in-our-series-on-the-railways-and-steam-locomotives-of-german-east-africage/1345231510971301, accessed on 17th March 2026.
26. http://sharemap.org/jkan/railway/Railways%20in%20Tanzania, accessed on 17th March 2026.
27. https://www.railjournal.com/regions/africa/tanzania-starts-work-on-metre-gauge-project, accessed on 17th March 2026.
28. https://rogerfarnworth.com/2026/03/16/600-mm-narrow-gauge-lines-used-during-world-war-1-in-east-africa